Harbhajan Singh Sohi-A Tribute (Died on June 15th 2009)
Posted by Admin on September 13, 2009
The revered Comrade was an outstanding architect in the development of the massline.The Political line formulated by Com.Harbhajan Singh Sohi displayed outstanding polemical understanding on the International Line, the handling of mass organizations and it’s relationship with the party,. the nationality question and the correct work method within the trade Union Movement..I am not a member or suppporter of any organisation that Com.Harbhajan Singh Sohi belonged to,but an admirer as a Maoist Historian. Overall Theoretically Com Harbhajan Singh Sohi was sounder than any comrade in the last 3 decades ,being an outstanding polemicst.On the International level this trend rejects the erroneous trend of ‘Maoism ‘ in place of Mao Tse Tung Thought and at the internal level struggles in developing a mass agrarian revolutionary line,even if it has not yet developed a mass line yet. A mass military line has not been developed even if strong attempts were made.This was particularly relevant where strong movementsof tribals and peasants were developed .Eg.Bihar,Orissa or Andhra Pradesh.
Ido not uphold the Communist Party Re-Organisation Centre of India(Marxist –Leninist),Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India(C.C R.I.) or the earlier Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India(U.C.C.R.I.(M.l) )as proponents of the mass revolutionary line in totality. One can question whether armed struggle could have been developed in areas like Bihar,Andhra Pradesh,Dandkaranya.Orissa Etc. However even if not totally agreeing with the deferring of armed Struggle,the author sees a very valid contribution and theoretical.point made by organizations following The Nagi Reddy Line . Perhaps armed struggle could coincide with mass struggles.
Today though the C.P.I.(Maoist)is leading a huge movement in regions in Bihar,Jharkhand,,Chattisharh and previously Andhra Pradesh,their line is vitiated by left adventurist trends.Infact their militray line is semi-Che Guevarism displaying strong tendencies of the foco methods deployed in the Cuban Revolution .They have not developed a mass military line or implementing Mao’s line pf protracted Peoples War.They also do not have the correct concept of forming mass Organisations and often form them as mere Front organisatins,not giving them their proper identity.Though they have ormed aPeoples Liberatio Army ,it’s functioning is not the same as the eqvalent during the Chinese Revoltion.The majoriy of armed actions are performed without adequate preparatin or mass Movement.They confuse he formatio of guerrilla Zones with base areas.They still implement Charu Mazumdar’s annihilation line,with some rectifications and modifications.In the urban areas they have not developed a sound trade Union Movement linked to the struggle in the rural areas.Theu have not linked the workers Movement with that of a Red Army.
Quoting a mass line document‘The armed struggle is the highest form of class struggle of which the agrarian revolutionary mass movement is he axis. While the class struggle develops through a process, from lower o higher to the highest levels and corresponding forms, it is the task of the Communist Revolutionaries to, throughout all phase of the revolutionary movement to constantly educate the people in the politics of seizure of political power and to prepare hem for the armed struggle in an appropriate manner. It is the level of consciousness and preparedness of the people that determine the realization of the necessity ,and launching of any form of struggle ,including the armed struggle. While the armed struggle proper will start at a certain stage of he agrarian revolutionary Movement ,(which is objectively verifiable in terms of the actual manifestation of consciousness and preparedness of the people o seize an control the means of production and consequently thus seize and control the means of production and consequently hush seize and control the political power through their own instruments the people should be guided and prepared to arm themselves to put up self-defence and resistance to armed attacks of he ruling lasses and their agents. the party forces among masses playing the leading ole in the carrying out of self-defence –all of which is part and parcel of the process of development of class struggle to it’s highest form-the armed struggler.’
In Contrast several groups have capitualted to the rightist ttrend or revisonism like C.P.I(M.L)New Democracy,C.P.I.(M.L)Kanu Sanyal or C.P.I.(M.L)Liberation.The latter 2 are virtualy Revsionist.hey participate in elections and have resorted to pen party functioning.
On the Question of International Line the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement hasvirtualy liquidated the Intrnational Communist Movement enabling movements in Peru and Nepal to capitualte.This premature forming of a Comunist International has laiod a major setback.Above all the term Maoism has replaced Mao Tse Tung Thought. In this light Com.Harbhajan Singh Sohi’s theoretical contribution is most valid
1.Struggle against Charu Mazumdar Line within P.C.R.C.(Punjab Communist Revolutionary Committee)
Com. Harbhajan Sohi waged his first struggle by leaving the Charu Mazumdar l;ed C.P.I.(M.L) to form the Fereozepur Bhatinda Committee in 1969 that came to be known as the Punjab Communist Revolutionaries Committee (P.C.R.C.),which demarcated from the left Adventurist line of Com.Charu Mazumdar. Nagi Reddy’ s line was followed in Punjab by the Ferozepur Bhatinda Committee led by Comrade Harbhajan Sohi that revived the mass organisation the Punjab Students Union and built the Naujavan Bharat Sabha ,a popular Youth Organisation.These organizations represented the broad masses of Punjab .The famous Moga Sangram Rally constituting the Naujavan Bharat Sabha,the Punjab Students Union, the Mould and Steel Workers Union and the Wahikar Union was led by the Punjab C-ordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries.(P.C.R.C) On October 22nd 1974.An armed demonstarion of 20,000 people took place. It is of significance that Comrade Harbhajan Sohi was earlier a member of the C.P.I.M.L led by Comrade Charu Mazumdar.On June 20th, 1969 a meeting of Communist revolutionaries was held to discuss the issue of the formation of the party. The 2 questions to be discussed were whether it was justified to form it, and were appropriate methods used? The meeting concluded that the present circumstances were wrong. The party organisation was to be formed from the leadership that emerged from the struggles.
2.Leader of Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India
Later he played an instrumental role as a leader of the Unity Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India ( U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)) in leading the Movement of the Punjab Students Union and Naujavan Bharat Sabhja (1974-1979).Infact it was only in 1976 that the P,C.R.C .merged into the U.C C R.I. led by T.Nagi Reddy.In 1979 he split the U.C.C.R.I on grounds of the leadership upholding the Revisionist 3 Worlds theory.In the special Conference I 1982 he upheld his own International line which oposed Deng Xiapoing’s theory of 3 Worlds.
Notes compiled from the Document titled ‘In Defence of Marxism-Leninism MaoTse Tung Thought and General Line of the International Communist Movement.”adopted in the conference held in January 1982 by the U.C.C.R.I. (M.L) led by Harbhajan Sohi(split from whole group in September 1979) in 1982-later became official C.C.R.I.Internatinal line I 1988. Com.Harbhajan was the first Comrade to oppose the wrong revisionist Dengist Line and refute the theory of three Worlds.
U.C.C.R.I.(M.L)led by com.Harbhajan Sohi held it’s special conference after there was a split in 1979..The conference refuted the fact that it was a policy of Comrade MaoTseTung’s by underling tat Mao had never advocated it. The theory propogated that the 2nd World -West European countries and Japan were allies in the International revolutionarystrugglea against the hegemony of the Superpowers.
In this pernicious theory termed as ‘The theory of 3 Worlds” the middle forces(2nd World Countries like West European countries and Japan)have dual character and are given the role that the national bourgeoisie is given in a semi-colonial country. This force at no given stage of its development have some potential for playing a role in the revolutionary movement to a certain extent, under certain condition. Even when a tactical alliance is launched by revolutionary forces with a section of enemy forces against the principal enemy, this section dose not lose it’s enemy character or posses ‘dual character.’ By attributing dual character o these imperialist powers he ‘three worldists’ change the fundamental contradictionj of between the 2nd rate Imperialist powers an e 2 Imperialist superpowers.It no more remains an anti-imperialist contradiction,imperialism at one pole of this contradiction gets transformed into something of a higher order ‘hegominism. The 3 worldists state :The 2nd world Countries exploit the pressed nations and are at the same time bullied y the superpowers. They have a dual charater ,and stand in contradiction with both the first and third worlds. But they are still af force in the 3rd world and can win over or unite with in he struggle against hegemonism.
According to such caricaturists of Leninism,it is not a question of making a distinction between the chief hegemonistic power and secondary hegoministic powers and making use of the contradicton between the 2,but the question of handling a new fundamental contradiction between the hegemonistic imperialist superpowers and allegedly anti-hegemonist imperialist powers so as to unite he latter in the world-wide struggle for overthrowing hegemonism which turns out to be the target of world proletarian revolution I it’s present anti-hegemonic sate of development,preceding the stage of Socialist Revolution for overthrow ofworld Imperialism..
Even if the east European countries and Japan have a thousand and one ties with the United States and face the menace faced by Soviet Social Imperialismtheir objective struggle against the over-bearing U.S.Imperialism it o attain ‘equal partnrship’,So long as U.S.A,continues it’s policy of control they will not cease the struggle against such control and for equal partnership.This ‘equal partnership’ is being sought in the predatory imperialist alliance for perpetuating and intensifying oppression and exploitation of under-developed countries, and contending with Social Imperialism for this neo-colonial loot. U.S Imperialism, seeks through it’s policy of control, to limit the scope of Imperialist contention and loot o part of these powers, they,through their struggle against such control seek to enlarge the scope, and the friction between the 2 sides,o n this score, is just another dimension of thefundamental contradiction between U.S.A and these countries as Imperialist powers.
This year when Zaire was repelling the armed invasion of Soviet Union ,France supported them logistically. Could the entry of French Imperialist troops,in Zaire, with the help of Belgium, and America, to boost up the efforts of the lackey Mobutu clique be called supporting 3rd world’s struggle against hegemonism’.If Cuban trroops,East German and Soviet Union military advisors were engaged in building up military forces of the lackey N.A .T.O clique of Angola in repelling South Africa Armed Invasion masterminded by U.S Imperialism thy were supporting third world struggle against hegemonism.
Mao had said “referring to the phenomenan of intensifying contention among imperialist powers:Their embroilment is to our advantage.We,the Socialist Countries, should pursues the policy of consolidation ourselves and not yielding I a single inch of land.W e will struggle against anyone who makes us do so.We certainly will support the anti-imperialist struggles of the people in Asia, Africa and Latin America and the revolutionary struggle of he people o fall countries.
‘As for the relation of Imperialist Countries and ourselves ‘they are among us an we are among them; support the peoples revolutions in their countries and they conduct subversive activities in ours. We have our men I their mist Our assessment of the international situation isthat the embroilment of the imperialist countries contending for colonies is the greater contradiction. They try to cover up contradictions between themselves by playing up their contradictions with us. We can make use of their contradictions lot an be one in this conection. This is a matter of importance for our external policy.
The 3 worldists give the status of sovereignty and political independence to several nations of Asia ,Africa and Latin America where independence was merely a ‘transfer of power’ and thus under estimate or ignore neo-colonialism.In a great majority of former colonies independence sa superficial and virtually transferred to another ruling Comprador bourgeoisie class tied to Imperialism.Even popular nationalistic regimes were replaced with reactionary regimes.
The 3 worldists defend he lackey reactionary state power in the 3rd world Countries by stating hat “By excercising the state power in heir hands, the independent 3 rd world countries have gained broader arenas and more means to carry on their struggle than in the past.T his glorifies the political role of he states of this region.
Through the eclectic method of knocking together ,into a hybrid whole ,phenomena of different order or differentiating phenomena of essentially similar nature,I nto qualitatively different categories,the ‘3 world theorists’, mutilate the fundamental contradiction between imperialism and oppressed nations and he fundamental contradictions between the various imperialist powers, transforming he reactionary ruling clique in underdeveloped countries into the main anti-imperialist force and the imperialist ruling cliques in highly developed capitalist countries into an anti-hegemonistic force All the revisionist acrobatics of the ‘3 worldists are meant or selling their line of unadulterated class collaboration and tying up of the proletarian and other evolutionary forces to the boot laces of the ruling cliques of the 3rd World an the 2nd world ,both for renouncing revolutionary tasks concerning the struggles against unjust criminal inter-imperialist war.
Teng Xiaoping called for uniting with U.S Imperialism in the struggle against Soviet Social Imperialism,terming the latter as he principal enemy. The differentiation between U.S Imperialism and Soviet Social Imperialism is a distortion of logic. They say that U.S Imperialism has over-reached itself and all it can do at present is to strive to protect it’s interests and go over o the defensive in itr’s strategy.How can it go on the defensive if it seeks exclusive hegemony in contention with Social Imperialism. In the criminal imperialist operation of forcible redivison of the world, where each superpower seeks to realize exclusive world hegemony ,the circumstance of U.S Imperialism having to fight in a state of strategic defensive, that is,having more to exert in retaining and consolidating it’s earlier huge colonial exploits than I seizing new territories,does in no way change the predatory character of its endeavour before and during the outbreak of imperialist war. A superpower may deploy an offensive strategy or go over to the defensive in it s overall strategy, the imperialist striving for seizing or retaining colonial possessions through military means is equally predatory in both cases.It gives no scope to International proletarian revolutionary movement for meting out differential treatment to Soviet Social Imperialism and U.S Imperialism.
There is another absurd analysis where the 3 world theorists feel that U.S Imperialism has been exposed in the eyes of the World people, but Soviet Social Imperialism pretends to be a liberating Socialist power ,thus it is more dangerous. However is is a Marxist Leninist tactic o treat the politically less exposed enemy as te ‘primary target’ and the notoriousone as the secondary target..(3 worldists say that progressive World opini is already familiar with he true nature of U.S Imperialism and will go o fighting ai but that is not the case with Soviet Social Imperialism which wears a mask of being Socialist)Even if as some military experts claim that he Soviet Union has a marginal military edge, this would hardly have ay significance as the capability or role of either of them as a aggressive imperialist superpower would not be reduced and would be irrelevant to the formulating of policy of the international proletarian movement.
In this period he also wrote his famous document on ‘Mass Organisations and the Party’. From the inception of the Communist Revolutionary Movement till today,sharp differences have cropped up on different occasions among Communist Revolutionaries on the role and importance of mass organizations ,their formation ,their relationship with the party,and the methods by which the party should work in these organizations.In many instances organizations like C.P.I(M.L)-Party Unity Group,C.P.I.(M.L)Peoples War Group Etc were unable to properly handle he contradiction between mass organsiations and the party and efforts were even made to impose Mao Tse Tung Thought on the mass organizations.(eg.RadicalStudents Union or All India league for Revolutionary Culture)They converted mass organsiations into Front Organizations, unable to completely give them their separate identity. In contrast groups like Chandra Pulla Reddy –SatyaNarayan Singh or Vinod Mishra’s Liberation group exhibited economist tendencies in mass organizationThe document may have weaknesses as it is virtually confined o Punjab. However it has relevance for the Indian Movement, even today.It is interesting how the Chinese Communist Party dealt with their youth Organization-the Communist Youth League.At one stage (during the first agrarian revolutionary war in 1927-1937)they totally opposed using the mass platform to propogate Marxism –Leninism(not naming it a ‘Communist’Youth League) but at he time of the Anti-Japanese War thought it was necessary.
Mass Organizations and the Party
This is a document circulated by the U.C.C.R.I(M.L)Nagi Reddy Group led by.ComHarbhajan Sohi in Punjab in the early 1980’s published in Comrade no.8-1991)
In the initial stages of the movement the ‘left’adventurist sections,described mass organizations as “an obstacle in the way of revolution.”Only after the erroneous line had been defeated and the importance of mass organizations established did their followers of such thinking change their viewpoint.(earlier such sections claimed mass organizations as ‘revsionsist’,economists’and ‘renegades of the armed struggle.’)
However even when such Comunist revolutionary sections started participating in mass organizations they imposed party politics on mass organisationsT hey confused the party with the mass organization and use the mass organization platform to promote party ;politics..
Thee was sharp ideological political struggle and certain Comunist Revolutionaries even wanted to dismantle such mass organizations.Mass Organisations were turned into forums of direct party politics and efforts were made to impose Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse Tung Thougt on hem.They even termed the Punjab Students Union,a bourgeois organization and they attempted to convert it into a Communist Youth Leaguewhich openly adhered to party politics.
Though at present this trend has receded it’s political infection survives.This pamphlet reflects on the important points concerned
Rise and development of mass organizations.
The process of emergence of mass organizations belongs to that period of social development in which the capitalist system developed itself after it’s victory ovr the feudal system. Even though during the pre-capitalist stage small crude forms of mass organizations were taking shape in an isolated manner,the process of their development as a widespread phenomena is predominant in the capitalist era.The large-scale capitalistic production created suc h objective conditions as were favourable for the workers/labourers to get united,moving along
te path of class struggle. Earlier production used to take place in smaller ,localized and almost self-reliant units;this prevented different sections of working people ,involved in the production process from coming close toeaxch other,a nd uniting themselves as a class with self-consciousness.Large-Scale production permanently broke all the ties of the workers ,thus uniting them against the exploiter class.
A mass organization is a group of organized people who,judged from the aspect of their standing in the given production system, or from the aspect of occupation, objective interests and working conditions,ae uniform,a re said to comprise a mass organization. For instance, a factory of workers: All workers work in the factories owned by capitalitsThey earn heir wages by soling their labour power. Finaly they seek emancipation from the capitalist rule ,and for that purpose build a common organization of workers, that is called a mass organization of workers.
Like workers,employees,students,agricultural workers,peasants,shopkeepers,alos have their mass organizations.The workers belonging to different categories alo belong to different mass orgaisations i.e railway,shipyard ost and telegraph workers.This si because there are factory Unions belonging to different trades.Trae Union Organisations alos establish joint centres for common struggles,which atre known as trade Union Federations or Centres.
The mass organization are an instrument for the revolutionary party to approach the maximum number of people, bringing them into the organized movement and imparting them the preliminary understanding and experience which may enable them to gars[p and absorb the revolutionary propaganda.T hey play the role of a transmission belt between the party and the people. That brings the people closer to the party and connects them with it. It helps the party reach a large number of non-party masses outside it’s fold.With it’s help the party kindles and influences various fields of class Struggle.
Comrade Stalin writes:The overwhelming majority of these organizations are non –party, and only some of them directly adhered to the party,or constitute offshoots from it.All these organizations under certain conditions ,are absolutely necessary for he Working lass for without hemit would be impossible to consolidate the class positions of te proletariat in the diverse spheres of struggle.for without them it would be ipossible to steel the proletariat as the force wose mission isto replace the bourgeois order with the Socialist Order.
Thus mass organizations include in them vast sections,I large numbers,who still remain inaccessible to the Party of the Working Class,who are yet not prepared to accept he direct leadership of the party.The mass organizations attract thse peole into mass struggles and impart them with organizational and democratic awareness. They work as nurseries for producing such primary fighters of the class struggles.They thus work for producing the seedlings of the revolution and a fertile ground for the expansion of the Communist Party and the Movement.
Comrade Lenin stated “The development of the proletariat did not, and could not ,proceed anywhere in the world without trade Unions, through reciprocal action between them and the party of the Working class. The Trade Unions remain an indispensable “school of communism’ and a preparatory school that trains proletarians to exercise their dictataorship.
It is very important to differentiate between a party and amass organization.A mass organization is a organization for the partial struggle of the working class,t he party organization is an organization for basic struggle. A mass organization fights for immediate interests,t he partial demands of a section of a class;the party fioghts for the attainment of revolutionary transformation.
Only those sections can join the party who are politically conscious and are prepared to plunge themselves into a basic struggle. Only he most advanced and conscious sections of the working class ,who understand the ideology and politic s of the class viz,the communists alone can constitute its members. While,since amass organization is a struggle or immediate and partial interests, which even a common worker is aware of ,even the most backward sections of the concerned class can constitute it. n ordinary worker can join them.
The party of the working class must maintain it’s political ideological firmness to play the role of apolitical guide. This norm is violated by ‘left’ adventurist sections who impose their ideology as well as revisionist parties wo impose partymembership on a ordinary non-conscious striker.The ‘left’adventurists when they force ‘Mao Tse Tung Thought’on a mass organization, close the doors for for ordinary sections. In any section or class there remains a section who have different political views and are not willing to accept the ideology of the working class. When mass organizations have party politics imposed on hem the non-party sections, feel deprived and step aside from the mass organization.It is reduced to an arena of pro-party sections alone.
Thus party understanding must never be imposed o mass organizations in toto and the party must use the idioms of the masses.Instead of Marxist Leninist Terminology and formulations, a terminology should be derivated to reach out to he broad masses.
A party o he working class has to lead an allrouind struggle ,an thus has to establish leadership overall the fields and classes thata re essential for the revolution. It’s range of leadership is quite widespread. The mass organization has a limited range,and needs to only relate to it’s own class or section.
The minimum political programme of he party is o overthrow the exsiting clas rule based on exploitation and o[pression, and to replace it with a rule in which the working class has predominance.I t has to build a Communist Society.While a mass organization ,being an organization for partial demand,has for immediate programme the struggle for attainment of partial demands of tat class or section, wheras it’s highest goal is to convert itself into a fighting contingent of the motive forces of the revolution,by developing itself into an organization of a concerned class or section.
It is imperative for the party to to target every anti-people class rule.I t should command the standpoint of the revolutionary movement and stand by the overall revolutionary politics. The mass organization has to maintain a mass character and expected to raw political elements.
The Party must at all times assert it’s political positions and stand up with the courage of steel in the most adverse times It must always defend proletarian politics. The mass organizations act within the existing system. They,are expected to move taking he objective conditions and their strength into account.
The party is a tightly-knit organization with iron discipline,I ntegrating theory with practice,and is abused on the most politically advanced section s of the working class,.It must adopt underground and secretist style of work. Only then can it protect itself from the onslaughts of the state A lose and open party is inviting danger..In contrast a mass organization is an open organization. It thus cannot adhere to as strict a discipline as the party .It is a comparatively lose organization.
Relation between a party and a mass organization
While providing leadership o a mass organization he party of the working class does not find it difficult to retain a separate identity of it’s own as the champion of the overall interests of the working class. It provides its leadership from the overall standpoint of the revolutionary movement .During the current struggles of peasants the party through it’s propaganda provides them with a correct direction regarding the intention of both of the contending sides, the peasants an the govt,their reliable and vaccilating allies and opponents, the favourable and unfavourable conditions etc. The party maintains it’s separate identity as the champion of he basic interest of the working class by making the peasant movement more vigilant of the deception and allies of the opportunist political forces, exposing the anti-peasant nature of he state structure and the need and methods of destroying the prevalent system./The party leads from the overall revolutionary standpoint in connection with the making of a common cause with those allies of the peasant movement who can stand up with it against the common enemy.
On different occasions ,the concerned mass organizations may adopt hat part of the party’s propaganda that suits their given level and need .Through sustained and repeated propaganda by the party,the imageof the party being for them is increased, and the party’s leadership gains credibility.The mass organizations respect the party’spropoganda and more advanced sections are developed from them.
The party must introduce politics that matches with the level of political consciousness that exists in amass organization.The masses must be able to assimilate that level of politics.T he quantity and quality of politics has to be analysed.
Comrade Stalin writes;Non –party organisatins,trade Unuiions and co-opratives etc.should be officially subordinated to the party leadership.It only means hat membersof he party who belong to these organizations an are influential should place their utmost energy to persuade these non-party organizations to draw nearer to the party of he proletariat in their work and voluntarily accept it’s party leadership.
The party politics must not be imposed The politics introduced should be on par with the average level of consciousness of amass organization member.Excess of politics introduced will violate the democratic spirit.
Several people perform the functions of a party and mass organization activist. Withi a mass organization a party member must work within her discipline of that mass front. They will have to abide wit the same norms as non-party members doNow they have to wok under the identity o amass activist. The need of the mass organization becomes the need oF the party itself.
Party activists can alos have dual identity in a mass organisation.They function as party members,within the discipline of the mass organization.
Sometimes conflicts occur when more than 2 political forces act within one organization. Here the norms of the mass organisatin concerned must not be violated even if political struggle exists.If norms are violated such mass organisatins become areanas of party politics.Political groups of conflicting trends should avoid dragging politics or differences into the mass organization. Onl;y those differences should be resolved which are compatible to the understanding of the members of the mass organization.Only he differences of the politics the masses can assimilate should be debated.
The dominating faction of amass organization should not behave arrogantly, and not take decisions that are prejudicial against the political interests of another faction. Similarly, the minority faction should not resort to unorganisational methods .
A Front organization is one that openly identifies itself with the party.The distinction of a front organization fro an ordinary mass organization is that the mass sections accept the leadership of the party. In a revolutionary movement for long phases the the situation for running mass organizations as front organizations dose not arise.Comrade Lenin stated “If we in Russia today, after two and ahalf years of unprecedented victories over the bourgeoisie of Russia and the ntente,wee to make’recognition of the dictatorship’ a condition of trade Union membership ,we would be doing a very foolish thing, damaging our influences amongst the mases.,and helping the Mensheviks.We must convine he backward element,s to work among them, and not to fence themselves of from them with artificially childish ‘left’slogans.
The party must always handle the contradiction between the mass character of the mass organization and the political content and not impose the politics of advanced political content.
When the direct leadership of ther party would not become a bar in joining the organizations, and when ,despite this a factor even the backward sections may be willing to join them, then it is allright for such organizations to work as Front organizations.
He valiantly led a huge mass resistance Movement to combat Khalistan and State terrorism (As a leader of theU.C.C R.I and the C.C.R.I.from 1986-1993)) both on the polemic and practical plane.. From the early 80’s to the early part of the 90’s the state of Punjab was ravaged by Khalistani terrorism. Communal fascists were a great threat tothe people’s democratic movement. The Akali Dal represented the Sikhcommunalists while the Congress represented the Hindu communalism. Bothparties used the communal terrorists against each other.
Indira Gandhi created and patronized Bhindranwale, a Sikh communal fanatic,to electorally defeat the Akali Dal. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale belonged toa Sikh fundamentalist sect which opposed the electoral Akali Dal politics.In the earlier phases the Akali Dal patronized the Sikh fundamentalistforces, harbouring several terrorists in religious temples. However when thecontradiction between the Khalistani liberation and Akali Dal ideologybecame acute, the Congress won Bhindranwale to their side to de-stabilisethe Akali Dal, the ruling party.
It is significant that here a great role is played to the importance of maintaining the correct role of the mass organization with he party and the need of building mass resistance and not merely deploy armed squad actions. In the period of the Khalistani Movement the U.C.C.R.I.(M.L) Nagi Reddy Group led by Com Harbhajan Singh Sohi in Punjab displayed outstanding theoretical clarity .It led outstanding examples of mass revolutionary resistance and building of mass line.(One of the most outstanding examples in the history of the Communist Movement in India)It played a major role on the formation and functioning of the anti-repression and anti-communal Front.
Below are excerpts compiled from the journalThe Comrade
“ Our correct policy enabled us to win over trading sections who were difficult to reach through revolutionary democratic organizations. We effectively fought the trend that wished the Front to emerge into communist evolutionary Centre instead of a mass resistance Front. Thus we could reach vast sections of victim s of communal fanaticism and reactionary terrorism,. We also fought the trend which insisted that the Font do any joint activity with any political party who agreed to its common programe. We asserted that the platform should not be used to project the image of party leaders .There was a left tendency to do joint activities with mass organizations an thus attach them as Front organizations.T his is a form of imposing oneself upon the people.”
”The Front also answered those forces with defective political understanding with defective mass approach and incorrect work methods who hardly advanced their wok beyond a propaganda routine. They advocated retaliatory armed actions by armed squads of revolutionary groups.We answered this on a practical plane by organizing mass level resistance from scratch. against Communal fascist gangs.”
”In areas where we were strong we worked with the perspective of building checkpoints. Against the Khalistani onslaught W e built mass revolutionary resistance .We organized defensive armed demonstrations where we had a solid mass base and organizations in different sections-particularly among the basic masses o the people. Defensive armed actions or red terror may be organized as an activity supplementary to the peoples mass resistance basing on it and advancing it.In our Weak areas we worked in mentally and emotionally preparing the people.for the impending eventuality.
We also won sections who dared identify with the Front We helped them build their separate platforms.”
”According to Chairman Mao’s teachings, when the enemy attacks us it means we are on the right track. Leaders of Front Units wee put on the hit lists of terrorists,while on the other hand the police have raided the Front’s office at some places and arrested its leaders and activists.”
”The ‘Front against repression and Communalsim’could not be a front comprising of the revolutionary democratic organizations belonging to respective organizations as the issue was beyond the scope of mass organizations. It could also not be a Front comprising of political organizations belonging to the Communist Revolutionary Camp, as the issue had a broader mass appeal for the involvement of such braoder sectionsof democratic,secular and non-communal forces,whose participation in the Front would not be possible ,if it comprised of the Communist Revolutionary forces based on Marxism-Leninsim Mao Tse Tung Thought.
The Front against Repression and Communalism, Punjab could not only maintain it’s existence ,despite several ups and owns ut function successfully implementing it’s common plan of action for years. It undertook highly successful propaganda campaigns in various parts of the state on a mass scale ,but could also mobilize the people at various places in great numbers in actual opposition and resistance to communal fascist terrorism and state terrorism, and was able to create ,during the trying times, several exempelary centres of revolutionary mass resistance against e dual reactionary monster of terrorism.The greatest achievement was organizing a state level function in the darkest days of Khalistani and state terrorism on July 10th 1987.”
3.Significance of the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India (C.C.R.I.)
In 1988 Com.Harbhajan Singh Sohi’s faction of the U.C.C.R.I(M.L) merged with 4 other groups into the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries of India(C.C R.I. ) in August 1988.Harbhajan Singh Sohi played a major role in the The formation of this organization .This had historical significance,as since the formation of U.C.C.R.I.M.L in 1975 there were so may splits. This organization made a major contribution in the revolutionary democratic movement in the Khalistani period in Punjab with the Central Team of the C.P.I.M.L and developed cores of mass revolutionary resistance against the Khalistani Terrorism. Major mass resistance rallies against Khalistani terorism were led by a mass resistance front formed by them at Moga in 1987 and at Sewawla in 1991 and 1992 martyrs conferences.(Memorial conference in memory of the Sewewala Martyrs). The great achievement of the martyrs conference was that a most favourable situation was turned into a favourable situation reminiscent of the Vietcong who heroically defeated the American forces in the Vietnam war.The campaign also effectively answered the question of the mass revolutionary line over the line of squad actions.A n earlier supporter of Squad actions stated”What we achieved here can not be achieved by a squad action.”Another Student leader stated”Mass revolutionary line is invincible and armed squad action cannot substitute it”.A volunteer Student Group stated”We have gained a valuable experience in the mass revolutionary line.”The polemics the Communist Revolutionary Organisation applied in the building up and holding of the conference was comparable in correctness to the polemics of Comrade Mao before the Chinese revolution.The policy of learning from the masses and then educating them and learning correct ideas from the masses was meticulously applied.
In the phase when hey were combating he Khalistani militant in the late 1980’ s the organization built a superb struggle network that spread rom village to village. The fact that it created bastions of mass military resistance is a complement as a result of dedicated planning, preparing the masses and the correct method of working within a mass organization.Party Politics was never imposed on the Front.It could also reach other sections like trading Communist and teachers-so integral to the mass line.With great precision it evaluated the strengths fo the ememy and the masses co-relation with them.(studied the level of political consciousness of the masses) It’s theoretical explanation of polemical issues is brilliant in the light of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Tse ung thought.Simlar situations took lace during the Chinese Revolution in the light of assessing the strengths of the enemy in co-relation with that with the masses and the kind of mass –political platform needed to be built.
The Organization also played a major role in the building of mass agarian revolutionary line of the Adivasi movement in Malkangiri in Orissa.In Andhra Pradesh it’s forces attempted to consolidate the Srikakulam Girijan movement In West Bengal trade Union movement was consolidated and major trade Union struggles were led capturing the Unions.It also had revolutionary peasant Movement work in Bihar which later was absorbed by the Party Unity Section.For some time some struggles carrying the torch of the mass line were implemented ,particulary against the Bhagalpur riots in 1989.
Below are compiled excepts on Comrade Harbhajan Singh Soh’shis defence of Marxism Leninism-Mao Tse Tung Thought.
“When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991,several evolutionary groups now differentiated U.S Imperialism as the principal danger.In the view of the C.C.R.I, it was not the offensive of U.S Imperialism, but Imperialism on the whole that had to be combated. This was because although the U.S A was militarily the strongest power it has to unite with all the other imperialist Countries to control the world markets. Only in a situation of sharpened Imperialist contention for world markets or spheres of influence would differentiating U.S Imperialism have tactical significance. The U.S, economy also has several problems . “The present day U.S Imperialist aggression proceeds as a part of the overall offensive of imperialism against the oppressed countries. Although at present there remains only one superpower in operation,it would be inappropriate to conclude ht a new uni-polar world has emerged. T he balance of forces and alignments among the imperialist powers have not crystallized, their mutual relationships are in a state of flux and their respective moves are essentially tentative. Only after such a crystallisation and it’s relative stabilization takes place would one be on solid ground to talk about the International World Order and about any polarity.I n the current situation, the aspect of contention has been temporarily relegated to a secondary position. Despite U.S Imperialis’s leading role,the struggles of the oppressed peoples and pressed nations have to be direct as a matter of policy ,not against U.S Imperialism in particular, but against Imperialism as such. “
”Another significant aspect of study was the stand adopted on the student movement in China in Tiennamen square I I 1989 and it’s approach to the Soviet Union in 1991.It highlighted the factional struggle between rightist factions within the C.P.C which were trying to win over and win over he student sections. In it’s view he movement lacked a proletarian leadership.”
“The student protests raised slogans against corruption and for “democracy” No organized proletarian leadership was present. Thus the reactionary elements could divert he unrest into a reactionary “Democracy”movement. The bitter faction between the 2 rival factions within the C.P.C for power between Zhao Ziyang an he Deng Xiaoping clique and the contradiction between the erstwhile Soviet Social Imperialism and American Imperialism influenced it.Workers economic demands were sidetracked.eg.price ries and unemployment.’
”True large sections of workers joined the agitation and the ‘Internationale’ song was sung. One cannot blame the students as they were fed o the propaganda of he rightist Zhao Ziyang forces.T hey were hardly aware of the gains in Socialist China where democracy was paractised to the greatest extent.The student protest were at their peak in 1985 directed against price rise, corruption, nepotism of officials ,Japanese economic invasion etc. Ultimately however they were diverted into political reform an lacked proletarian revolutionary content.”
”This so called democracy movement is anti-communist, reactionary and counter revolutionary THe dissenters were utilizing he growing disaffections amongst the people-students in particular against the Deng clique. This disaffection mainly urban based. The peasantry hardly participated. The confused and misled student community and sections of the working population were drawn into it. The various twists and turns and ups and downs of the movement show the leadership’s links with the various contending imperialist powers and within the feuding capitalist factions of the C.P.C.itself.Fang Lizhi tc acted as Chinese Sakharovs .”
China was a Socialist State from 1956 to 1978 before Deng Xiaoping reversed policies of the state.In the Maoist era the Working class was given every avenue to assert it’s democratic right and we must remember the Big character posters that came to the forefront in the cultural revolution. Corruption,unemployment and price-rise was hardly a issue in the Maoist era.I the cultural revolution corrupt officials were openly punished)In the Maoist era mass movements such as those in the Cultural revolution represented those aspirations of the Working class while in the Student Movement it expressed mainly those of the rival rightist Zhao Ziyang faction represnting Western bourgeois democracy.”
It is interesting that groups like Peoples War Group and CR.C. supported the student movement .This showed weakness of proletarian politics.
After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 the UC.C.R.I asserted:A section of Communist revolutionary forces is getting engaged in analyzing and debating the historical experience of the dictatorship of the proletariatand the cause of capitalist restoration in the erstwhile countries ,and is ending up with he verdicts of the alleged mistakes of Comrades Stalin and Mao. That is tantamount to affirming in practice the very link between the recent developments in revisionist countries and he past practices of Socialism which need to be refuted, and so lends credibility to the propaganda plank of the bourgeoisie.
These comrades have hardly thought over what the alleged mistakes were of Stalin and Mao and the relevance of their reviews of the available theory and practice of Socialism to heir task of countering the bourgeois propaganda. It is not clear which target group they have in mind- ,which can hardly be the common masses of the people. Analysis and debate concerning the Theory and practice of socialism amongst Communist Revolutinary forces s necessary. However open debate is for correcting or refuting ideological deviations and not for seeking unanimity of views between contending sides.A so called friendly public debate serves only to ad to the confusion of the people. It actually hides the character of the conflict of views behind it’s friendly signboard thus lowering the guard of the revolutionary masses against hostile ideological tendencies, secondly it invariably projects a lot of loud-thinking and tentative stands of the participants. Organised Communist Revolutionaries are expected to provide reliable leadership to the democratic revolutionary movement o he India people, can not afford too such a thing.
The current offensive of the bourgeoise is against the concept of the Leninist party, especially the class distinctive politics and the democratic centralist organization of the party.The Communist revolutionaries should come out in defence of the party concept, but give greater attention to the building o the party. That would be he most appropriate step in countering the bourgeoisie propaganda offensive.
The class enemy would train it’s guns at the dicatatorship of the proletariat, the party and the great revolutionary leaders. The class enemy’s frenzied attacks should make the Communist Revolutionaries better appreciate these precious assets and prompt them to grasp, defend and promote the same vein more firmly.They should never look back and only The criticism of the revolutionary masses, for the advancement of the revolutionary cause, should prompt Communist Revolutionaries to analyze and ponder over any faults and defects and where it lies.
4..Formation of the Communist Party Re-Organisation Centre of India-(Marxist Leninist) or C.P.R.C.I(M.L)
Com.Harbhajan Singh’s valiant efforts were crucial in the unity of revolutionary groups into the Communist Party Re-Organisation Centre of India(Marxist –Leninist) or C.P.R.C.I.(M.L) in abbreviated form which was formed in August 1994 through the merger of the Centre of Communist Revolutionaries og India ,with the Central Team of the C.P.I.M.L (C.T C.P.I.M.L) ,the Communist Unity Centre of India and the Marxist Leninist Organising Centre.
Quoting the ist Issue of their publication, ‘Thecomrade’, “This Unification brought the Party Question into Sharp Focus.. The organisation’s insistence on the distinct political identity while seeking to build the party as the leading political core of the revolutionary mass movement of the Indian People,has not only general orientational validity but also particular relevance to the Particular situation.” .After a continuous process of bilateral transactions this unity took place. The fact that it took such a long ,protracted process reflects the principled approach of the.
It has not only emphasized the pressing need and crucial significance of the Party Re-Organisation for bringing about a new high tide in the Revolutionary Movement but also projected the line based approach to party re-organization. This highlighted the other facet of the party question ,namely the impermissibility of diluting the distinct ideological political identity of the political party.
Theoreticall it’s greatset contribution is that of making a sound theoretical ground for he need of preparation of mass movements and mass resistance to lay the seeds for carrying out peasant armed strggle and laer protracted Peoples War..
There wasis also a most sound International line demarcating from the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and deferring the premature formation of a Communist International from the Russian and Chinese Experience.(Remember Stalin’s Comintern was dissolved in 1943 while Mao never called for a Communist International) .Below are excerpts published.
1.The vanguard the Communist parties , practicing proletarian internationalism have to exist. International Communist Unity and concerted action of Communist parties have to exist. The proletariat in each country fulfils it’s internationalist duty by striving for carrying out revolution.
2.Carrying out revolution I one’s own country and striking at imperialism worldwide are distinct though inter-related he 3rd International took p this task .Unfortunately it dissolved itself in 1943 when it found that it’s form was no longer suitable
3. Ever since the dissolution strong efforts have been made to establish proletarian internationalism with their own revolutionary practice. This was initiated by the C.PC from it’s lessons of a protracted Peoples War.It valiantly ought the revisionism of Kruschev.
Since the fall of proletarian power in the C.C.P. there is no Socialist base in the World. History remembers that despite the achievement of C.P.C under Mao ,the party did not go towards establishing he Communist International or establishing an International Organisation. Instead it stressed for he Communist Parties of the camp to apply he universal truths of Marxism-Leninism in the concrete situation of their country. It emphasized that other countries should not copy the Chines Experience to-to but apply the Chinese experience in accordance to their own condition.
The main reason for the C.P.C’s caution was a .Imperialism was devising through its local regimes new forms of neo-colonial rule and only a native communist party could analsye and review such situations. An outside force could not grasp the concrete reality. Thus he necessity of political independence of each country’s communist party.
b.Chauvinistic tendencies may develop under Communist Parties .The more developed and advanced may act chauvinistically and deliver big-brother ttreatment to the less developed or successful parties.
The victory of a revolution in a country under he leadership of a Communist Party indicates that certain crucial contemporary problems of he revolutionary movement have been resolved by it ,and thus the experience can be passed on to Communist Parties of othe Countries.At presnt there is no such party in the World..The ideological political struggle against Oppurtunism withi the revolutionary Camp is firce and bitter in each country.
A dialectical process involving unity of Communist Parties is required. Mutual exchange has to take place Actual experience should be shared, which would pave the ay for more advanced form s of collective positions on issues and ralying of more forces worldwide. Mutual Exchange and Common stands,bilaterally and laterally,,and multilateral platforms on the basis of the general line are required
Today in India and in other Countries the reorganization of he Communist Party is still in the process of being realized It is crucial to struggle to implement the correct line and establish its content with opportunism. In this process Communist revolutionaries have to strive to achieve unity on the basis of settling various line questions in connection with the revolutionary practice of the masers of the Indian people.
In Punjab today the organization has adopted a mass revolutionary approach and has made the greatest revolutionary progress.The most significant aspect is maintaining the correct relationship between the mass organization and the political party.A movement of landless Agricultural labourers as well as that of middle and landed peasants has been built demarcating from deviationist tendencies.A Mass Based revolutionary democratic Organisation has been built to give solidarity and sharpen the anti-feudal Struggle which held ralliesof historic significance especially during the elections. The Agricultural and landless peasants organization) has made painstaking efforts to give a mass revolutionary approach by educating the peasantry,similar to the Red Army during the Chinese revolution.However still the resistance is still at the level of pockets in Punjab and a stage has to be reached when agrarian revolutionary struggles are launched at village,district and state level.Stlll,the movement has not reached one where land seizures or direct struggles for land are taking place.The method the struggles have been conducted on all fronts display the efforts to painstakingly educate the peasants in the need for self-organisation to assert their rights and the relationship of their struggles with the agrarian revolution.Peasants in Balahr Vinju district led by the P.M.K.U gave a classical display of mass line approach when hoisting the Red Flag and thwarting the police efforts of preventing them from holding their conference.Historic democratic protests were held.The way the peasant organisation functioned helped spread peasant struggles to other areas quickly.(pocket level)State level agitations have yet to be launched and this being a class peasant mass organization it will have to play amajor role.The graetset achievement of the organization is it’s ability to organize the Dalit or backward caste labourers.Toady in the Maxist -Leninist Movement it is a major challenge to organize the Dalit caste agricultural labourers.on class lines.(Appraisal from Correspondent in Frontline)The organization has alos given solidarity to the struggles of the landed peasantry had participated in revolutionary Election Campaigns.What is significant is that the agricultural labour organisatin has built amovement in various districts Punjab ranging from Bhatinda to Jalandhar,to Ludhiana to Amritsar.
The B.K.U (Ekta-represnting correct trend ) has taken historically correct steps to build a peasant movement of the landed peasantry combating wrong trends and has given a classic example of carrying out mass revolutionary work within a single large body,They have led state-wide agitations and are creating a base for district-level and State wide movements of the landed peasntry.It has been one of the most revolutionary democratic approaches ever displayed where no party politics has been imposed on the mass organization.However still it is only a base for building a revolutionary peasant Movement.and is not a class organisation of the landless peasantry revolutionary peasant classes. It has yet to lead or encourage the lower sections of the peasantry. Today a mass agrarian revolutionary peasant armed struggle has yet to be built to lay the seeds for guerilla warfare.There have been historic statewide agitations which is significant .
Avenues have been created for militant peasant struggles of landless labourers in pockets in the State and for miltant district or statewide peasant struggles amongst the landed peasantry.A revolutionary alternative has been projected through the Party Organisation and the manner of projection(especially as projected by the Rajjeana Campaign and the Election campaign) displays strong theoretical correctness.A trade Union movement has also been built in the towns and major cities giving solidarity with the agarian struggle which is of great significance.Revolutionary movements of the youth and students are taking place and in many areas village youth have displayed enormous revolutionary enthusiasm. In 1998 and 1999 the Organisation carried out election campaigns in Punjab which created a major impactwhere the tactics of active political campaign in contrast to Active Boycott or Participation were implemented. Other groups could hardly make any effect. The content of the party leaflet encouraged the party ranks and followers to distribute it wide for mass consumption. The wide range of issues were explained in simple language.The immediate practical alternative was projected in the leaflet so that people could easily grasp it’s contents.
..In Orissa in the Malkangiri district an outstanding tribal Movement and Organisation has been built. It has been an example of an organisation with mass character and practicing democratic functioning. It has fought for immediate ,partial demands as well as political demands.It has instilled in the tribals that through their struggles and through the medium of their mass organizations, they can become the alternative centers of power and authority. The Malkangiri Adivasi Sangh has also shown the importance of assistance from the class allies ,particularly the working class. The Sangh has shown that people when organized can govern their own affairs and collectively assert their authority. The tribals were thought to place faith only in their own organized strength. An important activity to achieve this end has been the steadfast exposure of although ruling class institutions and propoganda.The Sangh has also been an effective answer to the Left Sectarian line of Armed Squads of a major revolutionary Group. Who though function with the utmost sincerity and best intentions ,do not take the path of involving the people and forming genuine organizations with a genuine mass character. The revolutionary forces working within the Sangh have done their utmost to maintain the balance between de-centralization of Committee Activities( to promote democracy and give the lower mass sections more opportunity to assert their authority),and maintaining proletarian revolutionary leadership (so that the mass organization is prevented from ultra-democratic. In Orissa however peasant seizures of captured land have already started taking place and laying base for armed peasnt struggle. Mao advanced the theory of inseperable link between the agrarian revolution and the guerilla war to establish base areas.A thorough going agrarian revolution which includes the distributoin of landlords land to the poor peasants and agricultural labourers,to develop and consolidate base areas –Mao implemented such a programme,in the period of agrarian revolutionary war.The Red army led by the C.P.C implemented it.
Unique forms of struggle have been devised applying the politics of the Chinese Revolution or Mao Tse Tong Thought . It is one of the greatest movements of its kind in revolutionary struggle world over. Most innovative methods of work were innovated and Mao Tse Tung Thought was brilliantly applied.
The correct preparatory mass line application is a necessary perquisite for launching a revolutionary armed struggle .The armed struggle must be linked to the agarian revolutionary struggle and based on it. A mass revolutionary peasant uprising may not have taken place but there have been demonstrations of peasants in Orissa and Punjab defending their rights or offering mass resistance against enemy forces carrying traditional armed weapons.The party election programmes in 1998 and 1999 in Punjab were striking examples of creating a base for a mass revolutionary political movement,particularly the peasantry…One significant factor as though democratic revolutionary struggles have been launched by the peasantry in Punjab,a stage has not yet been reached when land re-distribution seizures are taking place or land re-distributed. )
I still cannot evaluate the Communist Party Reorganisation Centre of India (Marxist Leninist) as the total protaganists of the mass line.. This is because although in their major mass struggles in Punjab and Orissa they have displayed the correct method of mass preparation for political programmes andthe correct concept of the relationship of the party and the mass organization(how a party must democratically function within mass organizations and not impose politics and implemented the mass line in certain struggles),they have still not developed a mass revolutionary military line in practice.,to create condition s on par of the Naxalbari and Sriakakulam Movements.No doubt their mass fronts have led struggles reflecting features of the mass line but do not necceseraily reflect creating conditions for mass revolutionary armed peasant struggle or creation of aRed Army. On Question of guerila Warfare a military line has still to be developed in light of the era of globalisation and changes in the urban and rural areas.The enemy forces in the Urban areas have become much more stronger than before and it is possible now that a form of revolutionary armed struggle would have to be developed in the Urban areas in later stages,even if the main areas of armed combat in the cities.
There is also a weakness regarding the projection of mass political platforms of the party Organisation. An All India level co-ordinating mass political platform is lacking. True the party organisation has to be kept undeground but ultra-secretism can turn a revolutionary party inwards.Adequate mass –political platform s to project the image of the party have not been developed. ’
Many of their mass organization struggles like in Punjab and particularly in Orissa in the agrarian revolutionary Front are creating the grounds for peasant’s eventual armed struggle or uprising or people.However mass peasant revolutionary struggles have not been led which could lead to the formation of a peoples Guerilla Army. This was the stage at which mass armed struggle was built up in Telanagana and for a short period in Srikakulam and Naxalbari.(before left adventurism came in. In the author’s opinion the organisation in certain states has made major inroads and is basically correct in it’s view on elections(opposes active boycott and participation as a legal form of struggle) and that the launching of armed struggle is premature.in the majority of areas.It is also correct that in Punjab and Orissa it is still premature to carry out armed struggle. The correct preparatory mass line application is a necessary perquisite for launching a revolutionary armed struggle .The armed struggle must be linked to the agarian revolutionary struggle and based on it. A mass revolutionary peasant uprising may not have taken place but there have been demonstrations of peasants in Orissa and Punjab defending their rights or offering mass resistance against enemy forces carrying traditional armed weapons.The launching of mass armed demonstrations is of great significance and was predominamt by the mass revolutionary democratic Front in Punjab during the Khalistani period.The struggles have had an effect on surrounding villages and areas and the method by which they have defended their right to hold their own conferences and meetings reflects the mass approach.The same trend took place by the Punjab Students Union and the Naujavan Bharat Sabha in the mass movement they led in the 1970’s.The party election programmes in 1998 and 1999 were striking examples of creating a base for a mass revolutionary political movement,particularly the peasantry.Significantly teams of workers headed the propaganda campaignsOne other significant trend is the self –defence and aggression displayed by the Punjab peasantry in asserting their right to stage conferences or mass protests.In Jethuke by the landed peasantry in 2000, in Chandigarh by the landed peasantry and in Balahr Vinju in 1994 by landless peasants the peasantry displayed heroic defiance against the police forces who attempted to thwart their efforts to organize..One significant factor as though democratic revolutionary struggles have been launched by the peasantry in Punjab,a stage has not yet been reached when land re-distribution seizures are taking place or land re-distributed. )In Orissa however peasant seizures of captured land have already started taking place and laying base foe armed peasnt struggle. Mao advanced the theory of inseperable link between the agrarian revolution and the guerilla war to establish base areas.A thorough going agrarian revolution which includes the distributoin of landlords land to the poor peasants and agricultural labourers,to develop and consolidate base areas –Mao implemented such a programme,in the period of agrarian revolutionary war.The Red army led by the C.P.C implemented it. However the most important historical question is that if one studies the history of revolution no country has taken so long a period to develop revolutionary armed struggle In 1927 after the Nanchang Uprising. China launched it’s struggle only 9 years after formation of their their party(in 1921) and six years of preparatory stage.Columbia,Phillipines,Nepal , Peru,or our very own Telengana Armed Struggle may have taken longer time.(Even Peru launched it in 1980 after 16 years of party-re-organsation) but in a far shorter period accomplished the task.- than the prest Indian revolutionary movement has taken to do..It is arguable that today there may have been areas in India where mass armed struggle could have been carried out in certain areas if the mass line was correctly implemented., particularly in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh which had strong revolutionary peasant movements.
Quoting Com.Tarimal Nagi Reddy in 1969 in an Interview to the Swedish Journalists ‘WE can go in for armed struggle in a really a large area and still sit in parliament in other areas when armed struggle is not going on’. Comrade T.N went on to make a most significant statement in an interview with Swedish Journalists: The difficulties are of course our own mistakes during the last 16 years, which have naturally led to condition of disorganization. To be frank we are not organized in the way we ought to be if we are to function in a revolutionary way. We have created an illusion among the people about parliamentary action, organized the communist party’s machinery in a parliamentary way . The old unselfish tendency has gone to waste ,the old hard work has vanished. We must re-build.T hat is the greatest difficulty.” If we had been carrying on the working class Struggles in the revolutionary way during these 16 years ,we could probably also have used the parliament, ven if agrarian revolution was taking place in other areas. India has many different organizational revolutionary requirements. As for the future we must wait and see how things develop, how successful is our organisation’s work and how effective is the co-ordination of all these struggles. Then we must consider the various tactical possibilities open to us.”
The author is not a member or supporter of the C.P.R.C.I.(M.l) and has written this purely as a historian.He is gareteful to several excerpts from the journal ‘The Comrade’